private berry company

Driscoll's

Industry Food

A family-owned global berry company selling branded conventional and organic berries through contracted growers, with material pesticide-exposure controversy in core growing regions. Driscoll's remains weak because of ecological harm, person-dependent governance, and documented human harm, even where the product or service has practical value.

Why this matters: Driscoll's sells nutritious fruit, but a berry model tied to pesticide use near schools, farmworker-risk claims, and private grower control makes it a weak choice for consumers seeking structurally safe food.

Letter grade F Malignant Medium confidence (AI) Rubric gcd-rubric-v1 Last reviewed May 10, 2026

Final Score -4* F - Malignant

FMALIGNANT-4 pts

* Tentative scaffolding score. Not human-checked or final.

Base Material21

Bonus+0

Cap35Ownership <= 2 and Governance <= 2

After Cap21

Penalties-25

Private Government badge

Driscoll's receives the Private Government badge because it combines large-scale private rule-setting over customers, workers, users, members, or counterparties with OpenLobby-documented lobbying of about $850K on public policy issues.

Evidence: [13]

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Evaluation Overview

F - Malignant

The score turns mainly on Extraction, with the largest penalty coming from Reversibility.

Strengths

Extraction4/10
Market Conduct3/5
Product Integrity3/5

Penalties

Reversibility-5
Ecological Harm-5
Policy Capture-5
Human Harm-4

Evidence state

ConfidenceMedium confidence (AI)
ThoroughnessExtensive (AI)
Linked claims13
Direct axis claims12
Coverage8/15

Scoring Axes

Axis	Score	Why this score
Ownership ? Control rights: shareholder-dominated at 0, worker cooperative control at 10.	1 / 10	The linked record identifies Driscoll's as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. The linked record identifies Driscoll's as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. That keeps Driscoll's low on Ownership: decisive control remains with shareholders, private owners, executives, or state insiders rather than affected people. The value is above zero only where the linked record still shows some real function, constraint, or public value on this axis. Linked evidence Driscoll's describes itself as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. [1]
Governance ? Binding decision authority: centralized control at 0, democratic stakeholder control at 10.	1 / 10	The linked record identifies Driscoll's as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. The linked record identifies Driscoll's as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. That keeps Driscoll's low on Governance: ordinary users, workers, customers, or affected communities cannot change the rules that govern them. The value is above zero only where the linked record still shows some real function, constraint, or public value on this axis. Linked evidence context Driscoll's describes itself as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. [1]
Extraction ? Surplus allocation, wage share, CEO pay ratio, margins, and structured extraction judgment.	4 / 10	The linked record identifies Driscoll's as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. The linked record identifies Driscoll's as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. That places Driscoll's in the middle of Extraction: the institution creates real value but still leaves room for rent extraction, unequal bargaining, or surplus capture. The value stays below the top tier because the linked record does not show full democratic control, non-extractive lock-in, or complete stakeholder protection on this axis. Linked evidence context Driscoll's describes itself as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. [1] context Published reporting and worker-rights materials have tied Driscoll's supply chain to farmworker abuse or wage-condition allegations, making a limited Human Harm penalty appropriate even though the company publishes labor standards. [2] context Driscoll's sells fresh berries, including organic options, which are higher-use-value food products than ultra-processed snacks, but the product line still depends on a high-input berry supply chain. [3]
Labor Sovereignty ? Worker power: coercive conditions at 0, co-determination or ownership at 7. Employee dissatisfaction matters only when source-backed evidence shows concrete limits on worker agency, such as coercive scheduling, retaliation, wage theft, harassment, unsafe conditions, suppression of worker voice, or extreme turnover.	2 / 7	The linked record identifies Driscoll's as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. The linked record identifies Driscoll's as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. That keeps Driscoll's low on Labor Sovereignty: labor remains managerially controlled, replaceable, or exposed to coercive employment and contracting conditions. The value is above zero only where the linked record still shows some real function, constraint, or public value on this axis. Linked evidence context Driscoll's describes itself as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. [1] context Published reporting and worker-rights materials have tied Driscoll's supply chain to farmworker abuse or wage-condition allegations, making a limited Human Harm penalty appropriate even though the company publishes labor standards. [2] context Driscoll's sells fresh berries, including organic options, which are higher-use-value food products than ultra-processed snacks, but the product line still depends on a high-input berry supply chain. [3]
Solidarity with the Unemployed ? Treatment of exits and nonworkers, including severance, redeployment, and non-competes.	2 / 7	The linked record identifies Driscoll's as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. The linked record identifies Driscoll's as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. That keeps Driscoll's low on Solidarity with the Unemployed: the model provides little protection for people who leave, are excluded, or cannot bargain from employment. The value is above zero only where the linked record still shows some real function, constraint, or public value on this axis. Linked evidence context Driscoll's describes itself as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. [1] context Published reporting and worker-rights materials have tied Driscoll's supply chain to farmworker abuse or wage-condition allegations, making a limited Human Harm penalty appropriate even though the company publishes labor standards. [2] context Driscoll's sells fresh berries, including organic options, which are higher-use-value food products than ultra-processed snacks, but the product line still depends on a high-input berry supply chain. [3]
Loss-Bearing Fidelity ? Willingness to absorb costs to preserve values, workers, users, and public obligations.	2 / 7	The linked record identifies Driscoll's as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. The linked record identifies Driscoll's as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. That keeps Driscoll's low on Loss-Bearing Fidelity: losses, hazards, or adjustment costs are routinely pushed onto workers, customers, suppliers, communities, or the public. The value is above zero only where the linked record still shows some real function, constraint, or public value on this axis. Linked evidence context Driscoll's describes itself as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. [1] context Published reporting and worker-rights materials have tied Driscoll's supply chain to farmworker abuse or wage-condition allegations, making a limited Human Harm penalty appropriate even though the company publishes labor standards. [2] context Local reporting and NCI State Cancer Profiles data show Santa Cruz County childhood cancer incidence above the California rate, while Pajaro Valley advocates identify pesticide use near schools as a serious health concern for children and farmworker families. This does not prove Driscoll’s alone caused the cancer-rate difference, but it is relevant to the stronger Human Harm penalty because a supply chain operating in and defending this exposure context. [4] context Reporting on Pajaro Valley berry fields describes conventional strawberry and berry production as dependent on toxic chemical inputs near communities, while Driscoll’s own public page acknowledges pesticide-use concerns and frames improvement through regulation, breeding, organic transition options, and input reduction rather than eliminating the high-input model. [5]
Market Conduct ? Pricing fairness, switching costs, lock-in, and rent extraction.	3 / 5	Driscoll's sells fresh berries, including organic options, which are higher-use-value food products than ultra-processed snacks, but the product line still depends on a high-input berry supply chain. Driscoll's sells fresh berries, including organic options, which are higher-use-value food products than ultra-processed snacks, but the product line still depends on a high-input berry supply chain. That places Driscoll's in the middle of Market Conduct: the product has real value but still uses meaningful lock-in, gatekeeping, market power, or dependency. The value stays below the top tier because the linked record does not show full democratic control, non-extractive lock-in, or complete stakeholder protection on this axis. Linked evidence context Driscoll's sells fresh berries, including organic options, which are higher-use-value food products than ultra-processed snacks, but the product line still depends on a high-input berry supply chain. [3] context Driscoll's describes itself as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. [1] context Driscoll's publishes labor standards and responses, but recurring allegations across contracted grower systems create material opacity for consumers trying to know which berry purchases are worker-safe. [6]
Product Integrity ? Preservation of quality rather than degradation for monetization.	3 / 5	Driscoll's sells fresh berries, including organic options, which are higher-use-value food products than ultra-processed snacks, but the product line still depends on a high-input berry supply chain. Driscoll's sells fresh berries, including organic options, which are higher-use-value food products than ultra-processed snacks, but the product line still depends on a high-input berry supply chain. That places Driscoll's in the middle of Product Integrity: the product has real use value but is compromised by incentives, monetization, lock-in, quality degradation, or risk. The value stays below the top tier because the linked record does not show full democratic control, non-extractive lock-in, or complete stakeholder protection on this axis. Linked evidence Driscoll's sells fresh berries, including organic options, which are higher-use-value food products than ultra-processed snacks, but the product line still depends on a high-input berry supply chain. [3] context Driscoll's sells conventional berries as well as organic berries; conventional berries are a pesticide-residue-sensitive category, so the Toxic Products column should not treat the brand as clean merely because berries are nutritious. [7] context Pajaro Valley reporting identifies Driscoll’s and grower partners in campaigns over toxic pesticide use near schools, including chemicals described in the reporting as carcinogenic or associated with other health problems. Driscoll’s public response emphasizes regulatory compliance and gradual organic/input-reduction work rather than a firm commitment to stop all toxic pesticide use near schools. [8]
Scale Integrity ? Whether growth improves or degrades fairness and accountability.	3 / 5	The linked record identifies Driscoll's as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. The linked record identifies Driscoll's as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. That places Driscoll's in the middle of Scale Integrity: scale brings useful reach but also weakens accountability, transparency, or local constraint. The value stays below the top tier because the linked record does not show full democratic control, non-extractive lock-in, or complete stakeholder protection on this axis. Linked evidence context Driscoll's describes itself as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control. [1] context Driscoll's sells fresh berries, including organic options, which are higher-use-value food products than ultra-processed snacks, but the product line still depends on a high-input berry supply chain. [3] context Driscoll's acknowledges pesticide, buffer-zone, organic-transition, and input-reduction issues in berry growing, describes conduct considered under Ecological Harm a high-input crop system. [9] context Reporting on Pajaro Valley berry fields describes conventional strawberry and berry production as dependent on toxic chemical inputs near communities, while Driscoll’s own public page acknowledges pesticide-use concerns and frames improvement through regulation, breeding, organic transition options, and input reduction rather than eliminating the high-input model. [5]

Penalties

Penalty	Applied	Why this penalty
Reversibility ? Applied when positive conduct depends on current living leaders, founders, family owners, or other person-contingent governance rather than durable structure. Range: -5 to 0.	-5	Driscoll's is a family-owned private company whose positive labor or organic initiatives are not locked by democratic ownership, describes conduct considered under Reversibility. Driscoll's is a family-owned private company whose positive labor or organic initiatives are not locked by democratic ownership, describes conduct considered under Reversibility. That warrants a severe Reversibility penalty because favorable conduct depends on current people or discretionary leadership rather than locked stakeholder structure. The value is near the floor because the conduct appears central, large-scale, repeated, or institutionally powerful rather than incidental. Linked evidence Driscoll's is a family-owned private company whose positive labor or organic initiatives are not locked by democratic ownership, describes conduct considered under Reversibility. [10]
Human Harm ? Severity, scale, culpability, vulnerable targets, willful reoffense, reputation laundering, pattern escalation, and time decay. Range: -20 to 0.	-4	Published reporting and worker-rights materials have tied Driscoll's supply chain to farmworker abuse or wage-condition allegations, making a limited Human Harm penalty appropriate even though the company publishes labor standards. Published reporting and worker-rights materials have tied Driscoll's supply chain to farmworker abuse or wage-condition allegations, making a limited Human Harm penalty appropriate even though the company publishes labor standards. That warrants a limited Human Harm penalty because ordinary operation, documented misconduct, or institutional power creates serious injury, deprivation, abuse, or foreseeable human damage. The value is limited because the linked record shows a real problem but not one that dominates the profile on this axis. Linked evidence Published reporting and worker-rights materials have tied Driscoll's supply chain to farmworker abuse or wage-condition allegations, making a limited Human Harm penalty appropriate even though the company publishes labor standards. [2] Local reporting and NCI State Cancer Profiles data show Santa Cruz County childhood cancer incidence above the California rate, while Pajaro Valley advocates identify pesticide use near schools as a serious health concern for children and farmworker families. This does not prove Driscoll’s alone caused the cancer-rate difference, but it is relevant to the stronger Human Harm penalty because a supply chain operating in and defending this exposure context. [4]
Ecological Harm ? Footprint, trajectory, irreversibility, culpability, and scale, including whether ecological harm is central to the model and continued after credible notice. Range: -30 to 0.	-5	Driscoll's acknowledges pesticide, buffer-zone, organic-transition, and input-reduction issues in berry growing, describes conduct considered under Ecological Harm a high-input crop system. Driscoll's acknowledges pesticide, buffer-zone, organic-transition, and input-reduction issues in berry growing, describes conduct considered under Ecological Harm a high-input crop system. That warrants a limited Ecological Harm penalty because the institution causes or defends ecological damage that is more than incidental to the model. The value is limited because the linked record shows a real problem but not one that dominates the profile on this axis. Linked evidence Driscoll's acknowledges pesticide, buffer-zone, organic-transition, and input-reduction issues in berry growing, describes conduct considered under Ecological Harm a high-input crop system. [9] Reporting on Pajaro Valley berry fields describes conventional strawberry and berry production as dependent on toxic chemical inputs near communities, while Driscoll’s own public page acknowledges pesticide-use concerns and frames improvement through regulation, breeding, organic transition options, and input reduction rather than eliminating the high-input model. [5]
Policy Capture ? Private-interest attempts to bend law, regulation, subsidies, taxes, enforcement, trade, labor, safety, competition, environmental, healthcare, housing, surveillance, civil-liberties, or consumer policy against workers, customers, citizens, affected communities, or ecological life. Public-interest advocacy is not penalized merely because it is lobbying. Range: -15 to 0.	-5	OpenLobby records DRISCOLL'S, INC. lobbying on trade, agriculture, disaster planning, budget, labor with about $850K in spending across 27 filings; the reviewed filings document private… OpenLobby records DRISCOLL'S, INC. lobbying on trade, agriculture, disaster planning, budget, labor with about $850K in spending across 27 filings; the reviewed filings document private institutional lobbying over public rules rather than a public-interest advocacy role. That warrants a limited Policy Capture penalty because private institutional pressure is being applied to public rules while affected people cannot democratically govern that agenda. The value is limited because the linked record shows a real problem but not one that dominates the profile on this axis. Linked evidence OpenLobby records DRISCOLL'S, INC. lobbying on trade, agriculture, disaster planning, budget, labor with about $850K in spending across 27 filings; the reviewed filings document private institutional lobbying over public rules rather than a public-interest advocacy role. [12]
Toxic Products ? Current sale of products whose ordinary use, exposure, ingredients, residues, packaging, or formulation creates toxic, addictive, or consumer-safety risk. Food products receive at least light scrutiny for artificial colors, artificial flavors, petro-derived additives, pesticide residues, contaminants, endocrine-disrupting packaging, and ultra-processed formulation. Ordinary adult nightlife or alcohol service is not penalized by itself without evidence of predatory marketing, youth targeting, addiction-extractive design, or unusual product-safety misconduct. Range: -5 to 0.	-4	Driscoll's sells conventional berries as well as organic berries; conventional berries are a pesticide-residue-sensitive category, so the Toxic Products column should not treat the brand as clean merely because berries are nutritious. Driscoll's sells conventional berries as well as organic berries; conventional berries are a pesticide-residue-sensitive category, so the Toxic Products column should not treat the brand as clean merely because berries are nutritious. That warrants a severe Toxic Products penalty because ordinary use, exposure, ingredients, residues, packaging, or formulation creates material toxic, addictive, or consumer-safety risk. The value is near the floor because the conduct appears central, large-scale, repeated, or institutionally powerful rather than incidental. Linked evidence Driscoll's sells conventional berries as well as organic berries; conventional berries are a pesticide-residue-sensitive category, so the Toxic Products column should not treat the brand as clean merely because berries are nutritious. [7] Pajaro Valley reporting identifies Driscoll’s and grower partners in campaigns over toxic pesticide use near schools, including chemicals described in the reporting as carcinogenic or associated with other health problems. Driscoll’s public response emphasizes regulatory compliance and gradual organic/input-reduction work rather than a firm commitment to stop all toxic pesticide use near schools. [8]
Accountability Opacity ? Material opacity, reputation laundering, or hidden accountability structures that prevent public accountability. Range: -2 to 0.	-2	Driscoll's publishes labor standards and responses, but recurring allegations across contracted grower systems create material opacity for consumers trying to know which berry purchases are worker-safe. Driscoll's publishes labor standards and responses, but recurring allegations across contracted grower systems create material opacity for consumers trying to know which berry purchases are worker-safe. That warrants a severe Accountability Opacity penalty because material facts, risks, conflicts, ownership, or accountability information are obscured from the public. The value is near the floor because the conduct appears central, large-scale, repeated, or institutionally powerful rather than incidental. Linked evidence Driscoll's publishes labor standards and responses, but recurring allegations across contracted grower systems create material opacity for consumers trying to know which berry purchases are worker-safe. [6] Driscoll’s publishes a public response to Pajaro Valley pesticide concerns, but the response leans heavily on regulatory compliance and agency oversight rather than giving consumers field-level, school-buffer, chemical-use, or grower-specific information that would let them avoid berries connected to higher-risk pesticide exposure. [11]

Bonus Credits

No bonus credits applied in this version.

Confidence Basis

Confidence is computed from the evidence trail and review state, not typed into the profile by hand.

Medium 69/100

12 verified linked claims 12 direct axis claims 0 disputed claims 8/15 components covered

This confidence label measures the source-backed evidence trail. AI-scaffolded scores remain tentative until human review.

Claim confidence 14/20

12 verified linked claims

Source quality 12/18

Best source per verified claim, weighted by institutional reliability

Direct axis-specific claims 9/18

12 direct claims across 15 active components

Dispute load 12/12

0 disputed claims on this entity

Recency 10/10

Newest accepted timestamp: May 13, 2026

Reviewer status 7/12

Human-reviewed components score higher than AI scaffolding

Component coverage 5/10

8/15 evidence-bearing components have direct support

Evidence State

Profile stateAI draft / human-pending

VerificationUnverified

ConfidenceMedium confidence (AI)

ThoroughnessExtensive (AI)

Correction routeUse “Challenge this rating” for factual errors, missing counterevidence, source problems, or calculation mistakes.

Company responseCompany representatives can submit source-backed corrections; payment never changes scores or reviewer authority.

Claims and Sources

Claims are the evidence record. Each claim needs a source link, axis category, status, confidence level, and timestamp before it can support a score.

* Tentative scaffolding score. Not human-checked or final.

1Driscoll's describes itself as a family-owned berry company, and its model relies on independent growers and proprietary berry branding rather than worker or farmer democratic control.

Ownership Verified High confidence AI-generated / human-pending May 10, 2026

AI scaffold

Driscoll’s AboutOfficial self-description · 68%
Driscoll’s commitment to farmworkersGeneral web source · 58%

2Published reporting and worker-rights materials have tied Driscoll's supply chain to farmworker abuse or wage-condition allegations, making a limited Human Harm penalty appropriate even though the company publishes labor standards.

Human Harm Verified Medium confidence AI-generated / human-pending May 10, 2026

AI scaffold

Los Angeles Times: Mexican farmworkers target Driscoll’sIndependent reporting · 82%
Business & Human Rights Resource Centre response documentGeneral web source · 58%

3Driscoll's sells fresh berries, including organic options, which are higher-use-value food products than ultra-processed snacks, but the product line still depends on a high-input berry supply chain.

Product Integrity Verified Medium confidence AI-generated / human-pending May 10, 2026

AI scaffold

Driscoll’s AboutOfficial self-description · 68%
Driscoll’s Pajaro Valley BerriesGeneral web source · 58%

4Local reporting and NCI State Cancer Profiles data show Santa Cruz County childhood cancer incidence above the California rate, while Pajaro Valley advocates identify pesticide use near schools as a serious health concern for children and farmworker families. This does not prove Driscoll’s alone caused the cancer-rate difference, but it is relevant to the stronger Human Harm penalty because a supply chain operating in and defending this exposure context.

Human Harm Verified Medium confidence AI-generated / human-pending May 10, 2026

AI scaffold

Good Times: Pesticide Reality TourGeneral web source · 58%
The Pajaronian: Group calls on Driscoll’s, Reiter, others to cease pesticide use near schoolsGeneral web source · 58%
NCI State Cancer Profiles: California childhood cancer by countyPrimary public record · 100%

5Reporting on Pajaro Valley berry fields describes conventional strawberry and berry production as dependent on toxic chemical inputs near communities, while Driscoll’s own public page acknowledges pesticide-use concerns and frames improvement through regulation, breeding, organic transition options, and input reduction rather than eliminating the high-input model.

Ecological Harm Verified Medium confidence AI-generated / human-pending May 10, 2026

AI scaffold

Good Times: Pesticide Reality TourGeneral web source · 58%
Driscoll’s Pajaro Valley BerriesGeneral web source · 58%

6Driscoll's publishes labor standards and responses, but recurring allegations across contracted grower systems create material opacity for consumers trying to know which berry purchases are worker-safe.

Accountability Opacity Verified Medium confidence AI-generated / human-pending May 10, 2026

AI scaffold

Driscoll’s StandardsGeneral web source · 58%
Fruitnet: Driscoll’s responds to worker abuse allegationsGeneral web source · 58%

7Driscoll's sells conventional berries as well as organic berries; conventional berries are a pesticide-residue-sensitive category, so the Toxic Products column should not treat the brand as clean merely because berries are nutritious.

Toxic Products Verified Medium confidence AI-generated / human-pending May 10, 2026

AI scaffold

Driscoll’s Pajaro Valley BerriesGeneral web source · 58%

8Pajaro Valley reporting identifies Driscoll’s and grower partners in campaigns over toxic pesticide use near schools, including chemicals described in the reporting as carcinogenic or associated with other health problems. Driscoll’s public response emphasizes regulatory compliance and gradual organic/input-reduction work rather than a firm commitment to stop all toxic pesticide use near schools.

Toxic Products Verified Medium confidence AI-generated / human-pending May 10, 2026

AI scaffold

The Pajaronian: Group calls on Driscoll’s, Reiter, others to cease pesticide use near schoolsGeneral web source · 58%
Good Times: Pesticide Reality TourGeneral web source · 58%
Driscoll’s Pajaro Valley BerriesGeneral web source · 58%

9Driscoll's acknowledges pesticide, buffer-zone, organic-transition, and input-reduction issues in berry growing, describes conduct considered under Ecological Harm a high-input crop system.

Ecological Harm Verified Medium confidence AI-generated / human-pending May 10, 2026

AI scaffold

Driscoll’s Pajaro Valley BerriesGeneral web source · 58%

10Driscoll's is a family-owned private company whose positive labor or organic initiatives are not locked by democratic ownership, describes conduct considered under Reversibility.

Reversibility Verified High confidence AI-generated / human-pending May 10, 2026

AI scaffold

Driscoll’s AboutOfficial self-description · 68%

11Driscoll’s publishes a public response to Pajaro Valley pesticide concerns, but the response leans heavily on regulatory compliance and agency oversight rather than giving consumers field-level, school-buffer, chemical-use, or grower-specific information that would let them avoid berries connected to higher-risk pesticide exposure.

Accountability Opacity Verified Medium confidence AI-generated / human-pending May 10, 2026

AI scaffold

Driscoll’s Pajaro Valley BerriesGeneral web source · 58%
Good Times: Pesticide Reality TourGeneral web source · 58%

12OpenLobby records DRISCOLL'S, INC. lobbying on trade, agriculture, disaster planning, budget, labor with about $850K in spending across 27 filings; the reviewed filings document private institutional lobbying over public rules rather than a public-interest advocacy role.

Policy Capture Verified Medium confidence AI-generated / human-pending May 11, 2026

AI scaffold

OpenLobby — DRISCOLL'S, INC. lobbying profileGeneral web source · 58%

13Driscoll's receives the Private Government badge because it combines large-scale private rule-setting over customers, workers, users, members, or counterparties with OpenLobby-documented lobbying of about $850K on public policy issues.

Private Government Verified Medium confidence AI-generated / human-pending May 11, 2026

AI scaffold

OpenLobby — DRISCOLL'S, INC. lobbying profileGeneral web source · 58%

Alternatives

Competitors

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Audit Log

Recent public changes for this company or group. The full audit log is part of the Transparency record.

May 10, 2026 at 12:00 AM UTC ai-scaffolding score-calibration

Recalibrated Driscoll’s after reviewing Pajaro Valley pesticide reporting and NCI childhood-cancer incidence data: increased Human Harm, Ecological Harm, and Toxic Products penalties; reduced Product Integrity, Scale Integrity, and Loss-Bearing Fidelity; retained careful wording that the evidence supports supply-chain responsibility and regional exposure concern, not sole direct causation by Driscoll’s.

View Full Audit Log