A progressive political advocacy organization that supports issue
campaigns and contributes to electoral efforts for candidates and allied
political groups. It scores very low because the organization directly
channels donor and activist resources into partisan electoral power
while framing that work as broad fairness and public voice.
Why this matters: Fair Share Action is the clearest
electoral edge of this ecosystem, so the policy-capture and
ideological-disavowal penalties are heavier.
Letter grade DExtractiveMedium
confidence (AI)Rubric gcd-rubric-v1
* Tentative scaffolding score. Not
human-checked or final.
Base Material18Bonus+0Cap35Ownership <= 2 and
Governance <= 2
After Cap18Penalties-18!Not Verified
Represent this organization?
Request verification to have the evidence record checked against primary
materials and organization-supplied documents. Verification does not buy
a higher score; scores change only when review finds factual errors,
omissions, or miscalibration.
The score turns mainly on Scale Integrity, with the largest penalty
coming from Policy Capture.
Strengths
Scale
Integrity3/5
Ownership2/10
Governance2/10
Penalties
Policy
Capture-5
Youth
Capture-3
Identity
Capture-3
Ideological
Disavowal-3
Evidence state
ConfidenceMedium
confidence (AI)
ThoroughnessDeveloped
(AI)
Linked claims16
Direct axis claims16
Coverage16/16
Scoring Axes
Axis
Score
Why this score
Ownership
?
Control rights: shareholder-dominated at 0, worker cooperative control
at 10.
2 / 10
Fair Share Action's public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy
network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or
electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned
cooperative.
Fair Share Action's public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy
network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or
electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned
cooperative. On Ownership, Fair Share Action belongs low because the
practical power relation is recruitment, canvassing, electoral work, or
professional advocacy controlled by the organization rather than by the
people whose labor, money, or public voice it uses.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
Fair Share Action's public record identifies it as a nonprofit,
advocacy network, recruiting organization, student group, research
center, or electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or
user-owned cooperative.[1]
contextFair Share Action's
public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary
workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected
communities.[2]
contextFair Share Action's
operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor,
campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy
capacity.[3]
contextFair Share Action's
worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff
roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or
NLRB/labor records where available.[4]
contextFair Share Action's
mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection,
environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution
cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption.[5]
contextFair Share Action's
advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some
problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward
organized public action.[6]
contextFair Share Action's
conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment,
canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure,
research publication, and public campaign framing.[7]
contextFair Share Action's
core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral
support, or community training rather than a physical consumer
product.[8]
contextFair Share Action's
scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad
public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both.[9]
Governance
?
Binding decision authority: centralized control at 0, democratic
stakeholder control at 10.
2 / 10
Fair Share Action's linked public materials do not show binding
democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students,
constituents, or affected communities.
Fair Share Action's linked public materials do not show binding
democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students,
constituents, or affected communities. On Governance, Fair Share Action
belongs low because the practical power relation is recruitment,
canvassing, electoral work, or professional advocacy controlled by the
organization rather than by the people whose labor, money, or public
voice it uses.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
contextFair Share Action's
public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting
organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy
organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned
cooperative.[1]
Fair Share Action's public materials do not show binding
democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students,
constituents, or affected communities.[2]
contextFair Share Action's
operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor,
campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy
capacity.[3]
contextFair Share Action's
worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff
roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or
NLRB/labor records where available.[4]
contextFair Share Action's
mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection,
environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution
cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption.[5]
contextFair Share Action's
advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some
problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward
organized public action.[6]
contextFair Share Action's
conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment,
canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure,
research publication, and public campaign framing.[7]
contextFair Share Action's
core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral
support, or community training rather than a physical consumer
product.[8]
contextFair Share Action's
scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad
public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both.[9]
Extraction
?
Surplus allocation, wage share, CEO pay ratio, margins, and structured
extraction judgment.
2 / 10
Fair Share Action's operating model converts donations, dues, student
fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into
advocacy capacity.
Fair Share Action's operating model converts donations, dues, student
fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into
advocacy capacity. On Extraction, Fair Share Action belongs low because
the practical power relation is recruitment, canvassing, electoral work,
or professional advocacy controlled by the organization rather than by
the people whose labor, money, or public voice it uses.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
contextFair Share Action's
public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting
organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy
organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned
cooperative.[1]
contextFair Share Action's
public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary
workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected
communities.[2]
Fair Share Action's operating model converts donations, dues,
student fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or
research into advocacy capacity.[3]
contextFair Share Action's
worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff
roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or
NLRB/labor records where available.[4]
contextFair Share Action's
mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection,
environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution
cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption.[5]
contextFair Share Action's
advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some
problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward
organized public action.[6]
contextFair Share Action's
conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment,
canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure,
research publication, and public campaign framing.[7]
contextFair Share Action's
core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral
support, or community training rather than a physical consumer
product.[8]
contextFair Share Action's
scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad
public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both.[9]
Labor Sovereignty
?
Worker power: coercive conditions at 0, co-determination or ownership at
7. Employee dissatisfaction matters only when source-backed evidence
shows concrete limits on worker agency, such as coercive scheduling,
retaliation, wage theft, harassment, unsafe conditions, suppression of
worker voice, or extreme turnover.
1 / 7
Fair Share Action's worker-power record is evaluated against public
descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work,
union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available.
Fair Share Action's worker-power record is evaluated against public
descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work,
union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available. On Labor
Sovereignty, Fair Share Action belongs low because the practical power
relation is recruitment, canvassing, electoral work, or professional
advocacy controlled by the organization rather than by the people whose
labor, money, or public voice it uses.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
contextFair Share Action's
public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting
organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy
organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned
cooperative.[1]
contextFair Share Action's
public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary
workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected
communities.[2]
contextFair Share Action's
operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor,
campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy
capacity.[3]
Fair Share Action's worker-power record is evaluated against
public descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing
work, union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available.[4]
contextFair Share Action's
mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection,
environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution
cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption.[5]
contextFair Share Action's
advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some
problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward
organized public action.[6]
contextFair Share Action's
conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment,
canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure,
research publication, and public campaign framing.[7]
contextFair Share Action's
core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral
support, or community training rather than a physical consumer
product.[8]
contextFair Share Action's
scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad
public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both.[9]
Solidarity with the
Unemployed
?
Treatment of exits and nonworkers, including severance, redeployment,
and non-competes.
2 / 7
Fair Share Action's mission or services address public goods such as
consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education
affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private
consumption.
Fair Share Action's mission or services address public goods such as
consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education
affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private
consumption. On Solidarity with the Unemployed, Fair Share Action
belongs low because the practical power relation is recruitment,
canvassing, electoral work, or professional advocacy controlled by the
organization rather than by the people whose labor, money, or public
voice it uses.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
contextFair Share Action's
public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting
organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy
organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned
cooperative.[1]
contextFair Share Action's
public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary
workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected
communities.[2]
contextFair Share Action's
operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor,
campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy
capacity.[3]
contextFair Share Action's
worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff
roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or
NLRB/labor records where available.[4]
Fair Share Action's mission or services address public goods such
as consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education
affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private
consumption.[5]
contextFair Share Action's
advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some
problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward
organized public action.[6]
contextFair Share Action's
conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment,
canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure,
research publication, and public campaign framing.[7]
contextFair Share Action's
core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral
support, or community training rather than a physical consumer
product.[8]
contextFair Share Action's
scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad
public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both.[9]
Loss-Bearing Fidelity
?
Willingness to absorb costs to preserve values, workers, users, and
public obligations.
2 / 7
Fair Share Action's advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support
work can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals
and toward organized public action.
Fair Share Action's advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support
work can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals
and toward organized public action. On Loss-Bearing Fidelity, Fair Share
Action belongs low because the practical power relation is recruitment,
canvassing, electoral work, or professional advocacy controlled by the
organization rather than by the people whose labor, money, or public
voice it uses.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
contextFair Share Action's
public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting
organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy
organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned
cooperative.[1]
contextFair Share Action's
public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary
workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected
communities.[2]
contextFair Share Action's
operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor,
campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy
capacity.[3]
contextFair Share Action's
worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff
roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or
NLRB/labor records where available.[4]
contextFair Share Action's
mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection,
environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution
cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption.[5]
Fair Share Action's advocacy, research, organizing, or
community-support work can shift some problem-solving costs away from
isolated individuals and toward organized public action.[6]
contextFair Share Action's
conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment,
canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure,
research publication, and public campaign framing.[7]
contextFair Share Action's
core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral
support, or community training rather than a physical consumer
product.[8]
contextFair Share Action's
scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad
public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both.[9]
Market Conduct
?
Pricing fairness, switching costs, lock-in, and rent extraction.
2 / 5
Fair Share Action's conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct:
recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy
pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing.
Fair Share Action's conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct:
recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy
pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing. On Market
Conduct, Fair Share Action belongs low because the practical power
relation is recruitment, canvassing, electoral work, or professional
advocacy controlled by the organization rather than by the people whose
labor, money, or public voice it uses.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
contextFair Share Action's
public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting
organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy
organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned
cooperative.[1]
contextFair Share Action's
public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary
workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected
communities.[2]
contextFair Share Action's
operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor,
campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy
capacity.[3]
contextFair Share Action's
worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff
roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or
NLRB/labor records where available.[4]
contextFair Share Action's
mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection,
environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution
cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption.[5]
contextFair Share Action's
advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some
problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward
organized public action.[6]
Fair Share Action's conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market
conduct: recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee
funding, policy pressure, research publication, and public campaign
framing.[7]
contextFair Share Action's
core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral
support, or community training rather than a physical consumer
product.[8]
contextFair Share Action's
scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad
public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both.[9]
Product Integrity
?
Preservation of quality rather than degradation for monetization.
2 / 5
Fair Share Action's core output is advocacy, research, organizing,
recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a
physical consumer product.
Fair Share Action's core output is advocacy, research, organizing,
recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a
physical consumer product. On Product Integrity, Fair Share Action
belongs low because the practical power relation is recruitment,
canvassing, electoral work, or professional advocacy controlled by the
organization rather than by the people whose labor, money, or public
voice it uses.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
contextFair Share Action's
public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting
organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy
organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned
cooperative.[1]
contextFair Share Action's
public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary
workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected
communities.[2]
contextFair Share Action's
operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor,
campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy
capacity.[3]
contextFair Share Action's
worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff
roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or
NLRB/labor records where available.[4]
contextFair Share Action's
mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection,
environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution
cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption.[5]
contextFair Share Action's
advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some
problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward
organized public action.[6]
contextFair Share Action's
conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment,
canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure,
research publication, and public campaign framing.[7]
Fair Share Action's core output is advocacy, research, organizing,
recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a
physical consumer product.[8]
contextFair Share Action's
scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad
public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both.[9]
Scale Integrity
?
Whether growth improves or degrades fairness and accountability.
3 / 5
Fair Share Action's scale and network position determine whether its
campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional
control, or both.
Fair Share Action's scale and network position determine whether its
campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional
control, or both. On Scale Integrity, Fair Share Action sits in the
middle: the mission can be genuinely useful, but control still runs
through professional nonprofit, network, or campaign leadership. That
places it above pure fundraising machinery and below organizations where
workers, members, or affected communities govern the institution.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
contextFair Share Action's
public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting
organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy
organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned
cooperative.[1]
contextFair Share Action's
public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary
workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected
communities.[2]
contextFair Share Action's
operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor,
campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy
capacity.[3]
contextFair Share Action's
worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff
roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or
NLRB/labor records where available.[4]
contextFair Share Action's
mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection,
environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution
cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption.[5]
contextFair Share Action's
advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some
problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward
organized public action.[6]
contextFair Share Action's
conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment,
canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure,
research publication, and public campaign framing.[7]
contextFair Share Action's
core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral
support, or community training rather than a physical consumer
product.[8]
Fair Share Action's scale and network position determine whether
its campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional
control, or both.[9]
Penalties
Penalty
Applied
Why this penalty
Human Harm
?
Severity, scale, culpability, vulnerable targets, willful reoffense,
reputation laundering, pattern escalation, and time decay. Range: -20 to
0.
-1
Fair Share Action's labor record includes public allegations or concerns
around discharge, retaliation, or high-pressure advocacy work that can
harm economically vulnerable staff.
Fair Share Action's labor record includes public allegations or concerns
around discharge, retaliation, or high-pressure advocacy work that can
harm economically vulnerable staff. This creates a Human Harm penalty
because labor-rights allegations in a mission-driven workplace are
especially serious: the organization asks workers to accept hardship for
public values while still controlling their livelihood.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
Fair Share Action's labor record includes public allegations or
concerns around discharge, retaliation, or high-pressure advocacy work
that can harm economically vulnerable staff.[10]
Policy Capture
?
Private-interest attempts to bend law, regulation, subsidies, taxes,
enforcement, trade, labor, safety, competition, environmental,
healthcare, housing, surveillance, civil-liberties, or consumer policy
against workers, customers, citizens, affected communities, or
ecological life. Public-interest advocacy is not penalized merely
because it is lobbying. Range: -15 to 0.
-5
Fair Share Action's own materials describe policy advocacy, lobbying,
candidate support, public-pressure campaigns, or citizen mobilization
aimed at changing public rules.
Fair Share Action's own materials describe policy advocacy, lobbying,
candidate support, public-pressure campaigns, or citizen mobilization
aimed at changing public rules. This creates a Policy Capture penalty
because even public-interest lobbying is an attempt by a private
institution to bend public rules. The penalty is heaviest for electoral
and campaign machinery, lighter where the work mainly checks stronger
private power.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
Fair Share Action's own materials describe policy advocacy,
lobbying, candidate support, public-pressure campaigns, or citizen
mobilization aimed at changing public rules.[11]
Youth Capture
?
Manipulative youth-directed marketing, youth-data or attention
monetization, collectible/add-on traps, parasocial or identity capture,
surprise mechanics, or treating young people as lower-disclosure
consumers. Making useful toys or welcoming children is not itself
penalized. Range: -5 to 0.
-3
Fair Share Action's model recruits, trains, bills, or mobilizes students
and young organizers, making youth-culture and early-career capture a
direct axis-specific concern.
Fair Share Action's model recruits, trains, bills, or mobilizes students
and young organizers, making youth-culture and early-career capture a
direct axis-specific concern. This creates a Youth Capture penalty
because students and early-career idealists are unusually vulnerable to
moral pressure, resume pressure, and blurred lines between learning,
volunteering, donating, and labor.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
Fair Share Action's model recruits, trains, bills, or mobilizes
students and young organizers, making youth-culture and early-career
capture a direct axis-specific concern.[12]
Subscription Capture
?
Manipulative recurring-payment, automatic-renewal,
cancellation-friction, bundling, trial-conversion, or refund designs
that profit from inertia or confusion. Range: -5 to 0.
-1
Fair Share Action's model includes recurring donations, student-fee
pledges, membership fundraising, or contact acquisition that can outlast
the initial moment of consent.
Fair Share Action's model includes recurring donations, student-fee
pledges, membership fundraising, or contact acquisition that can outlast
the initial moment of consent. This creates a Subscription Capture
penalty because recurring donations, waivable fees, and pledge systems
can persist beyond fresh deliberation. The value is calibrated below
abusive commercial subscription traps but above ordinary one-time
donation requests.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
Fair Share Action's model includes recurring donations,
student-fee pledges, membership fundraising, or contact acquisition that
can outlast the initial moment of consent.[13]
Accountability Opacity
?
Material opacity, reputation laundering, or hidden accountability
structures that prevent public accountability. Range: -2 to 0.
-2
Fair Share Action's public materials do not give a complete
plain-language map of governance control, related entities, fund flows,
staff power, and constituent consent.
Fair Share Action's public materials do not give a complete
plain-language map of governance control, related entities, fund flows,
staff power, and constituent consent. This creates a Accountability
Opacity penalty because the public should not have to reconstruct
related entities, fund flows, governance, labor power, and consent
mechanics from scattered pages.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
Fair Share Action's public materials do not give a complete
plain-language map of governance control, related entities, fund flows,
staff power, and constituent consent.[14]
Identity Capture
?
Customer pressure, employee pressure, and pervasive identity saturation.
Range: -3 to 0.
-3
Fair Share Action's mission framing can bind staff, students, donors,
and volunteers to a moralized activist identity as well as to specific
practical public goals.
Fair Share Action's mission framing can bind staff, students, donors,
and volunteers to a moralized activist identity as well as to specific
practical public goals. This creates a Identity Capture penalty because
the organization sells a moral role as much as a concrete action, making
dissent and exit harder for staff, students, donors, and volunteers who
share the broad stated values.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
Fair Share Action's mission framing can bind staff, students,
donors, and volunteers to a moralized activist identity as well as to
specific practical public goals.[15]
Ideological Disavowal
?
Concealed ideology presented as neutrality, expertise, professional
necessity, public-service administration, market inevitability, or
non-ideological common sense while exercising power. Range: -3 to 0.
-3
Fair Share Action's public language often presents a contested political
program as public interest, fairness, science, democracy, or nonpartisan
necessity rather than as an explicit ideological standpoint.
Fair Share Action's public language often presents a contested political
program as public interest, fairness, science, democracy, or nonpartisan
necessity rather than as an explicit ideological standpoint. This
creates a Ideological Disavowal penalty because the problem is not
having progressive politics; the problem is presenting contested
ideology as neutral public interest or simple decency while exercising
institutional power.
Calibration notes
Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and
adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network
parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting,
community-support, and electoral organizations.
Linked evidence
Fair Share Action's public language often presents a contested
political program as public interest, fairness, science, democracy, or
nonpartisan necessity rather than as an explicit ideological
standpoint.[16]
Bonus Credits
No bonus credits applied in this version.
Confidence Basis
Confidence Basis
Confidence is computed from the evidence trail and review state, not
typed into the profile by hand.
This confidence label measures the source-backed evidence trail.
AI-scaffolded scores remain tentative until human review.
Claim confidence16/20
16 verified linked claims
Source quality10/18
Best source per verified claim, weighted by institutional reliability
Direct axis-specific claims14/18
16 direct claims across 16 active components
Dispute load12/12
0 disputed claims on this entity
Recency10/10
Newest accepted timestamp: May 13, 2026
Reviewer status7/12
Human-reviewed components score higher than AI scaffolding
Component coverage10/10
16/16 evidence-bearing components have direct support
Evidence State
Evidence State
Profile stateAI draft / human-pending
VerificationUnverified
ConfidenceMedium confidence (AI)
ThoroughnessDeveloped (AI)
Correction routeUse “Challenge this rating” for
factual errors, missing counterevidence, source problems, or calculation
mistakes.
Company responseCompany representatives can
submit source-backed corrections; payment never changes scores or
reviewer authority.
Claims and Sources
Claims are the evidence record. Each claim needs a source link, axis
category, status, confidence level, and timestamp before it can support
a score.
* Tentative scaffolding score. Not
human-checked or final.
1Fair
Share Action's public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy
network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or
electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned
cooperative.
2Fair
Share Action's public materials do not show binding democratic control
by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or
affected communities.
3Fair
Share Action's operating model converts donations, dues, student fees,
volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into
advocacy capacity.
4Fair
Share Action's worker-power record is evaluated against public
descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work,
union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available.
5Fair
Share Action's mission or services address public goods such as consumer
protection, environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or
pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption.
6Fair
Share Action's advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work
can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and
toward organized public action.
Loss Bearing FidelityVerifiedHigh
confidenceHuman-reviewed
7Fair
Share Action's conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct:
recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy
pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing.
8Fair
Share Action's core output is advocacy, research, organizing,
recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a
physical consumer product.
9Fair
Share Action's scale and network position determine whether its
campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional
control, or both.
10Fair Share Action's labor record
includes public allegations or concerns around discharge, retaliation,
or high-pressure advocacy work that can harm economically vulnerable
staff.
12Fair Share Action's model recruits,
trains, bills, or mobilizes students and young organizers, making
youth-culture and early-career capture a direct axis-specific
concern.
13Fair Share Action's model includes
recurring donations, student-fee pledges, membership fundraising, or
contact acquisition that can outlast the initial moment of
consent.
14Fair Share Action's public
materials do not give a complete plain-language map of governance
control, related entities, fund flows, staff power, and constituent
consent.
15Fair Share Action's mission framing
can bind staff, students, donors, and volunteers to a moralized activist
identity as well as to specific practical public goals.
16Fair Share Action's public language
often presents a contested political program as public interest,
fairness, science, democracy, or nonpartisan necessity rather than as an
explicit ideological standpoint.
Submit source-backed evidence or challenge a specific claim, source,
axis value, or calculation below.
How This Page Is Maintained
Evidence comes in through contributors, is checked by verifiers, and is
synthesized by reviewers. Founder authority remains narrow and visible;
scores recalculate when verified claims or the rubric change.
Civic Note
Incorporation, limited liability, market access, and other institutional
privileges are public grants. Good Companies Directory treats those
privileges as conditional on accountability to workers, users,
communities, and the public.
Submit evidence for Fair Share Action Add one
source-backed fact for review.
Challenge this rating Point to a specific score,
claim, source, or calculation problem.
Audit Log
Recent public changes for this company or group. The full audit log is
part of the Transparency record.
No company-specific audit entries have been published yet.