nonprofit canvassing and fundraising organization

Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)

A canvassing and fundraising organization that runs field, phone, and membership operations for environmental and public-interest groups. It scores very low because the model turns idealistic young workers and donors into a high-pressure acquisition engine, and the labor record includes NLRB allegations around discharge and concerted activity.

Why this matters: This is the core FFPIR entry: the public-facing name is Fund for the Public Interest, while the directory preserves the older FFPIR shorthand for search.

Letter grade D Extractive High confidence (AI) Rubric gcd-rubric-v1 Parent / owner: The Public Interest Network Last reviewed May 12, 2026

The Fund is listed by The Public Interest Network as a network group and is described by the network as its canvassing and telephone membership operation.

Final Score 3* D - Extractive

DEXTRACTIVE3 pts

* Tentative scaffolding score. Not human-checked or final.

Base Material19

Bonus+0

Cap35Ownership <= 2 and Governance <= 2

After Cap19

Penalties-16

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Owned by The Public Interest Network

The parent profile is currently rated D (Extractive, 28*). This subsidiary is not mechanically capped at the parent score, but parent control is part of the ownership, governance, policy, accountability opacity, reversibility, and harm analysis.

Evaluation Overview

D - Extractive

The score turns mainly on Scale Integrity, with the largest penalty coming from Policy Capture.

Strengths

Scale Integrity4/5
Ownership2/10
Governance2/10

Penalties

Policy Capture-3
Youth Capture-3
Identity Capture-3
Subscription Capture-2

Evidence state

ConfidenceHigh confidence (AI)
ThoroughnessDeveloped (AI)
Linked claims16
Direct axis claims16
Coverage16/16

Scoring Axes

Axis	Score	Why this score
Ownership ? Control rights: shareholder-dominated at 0, worker cooperative control at 10.	2 / 10	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned cooperative. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned cooperative. On Ownership, Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR) belongs low because the practical power relation is recruitment, canvassing, electoral work, or professional advocacy controlled by the organization rather than by the people whose labor, money, or public voice it uses. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned cooperative. [1] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected communities. [2] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy capacity. [3] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available. [4] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption. [5] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward organized public action. [6] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing. [7] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a physical consumer product. [8] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both. [9]
Governance ? Binding decision authority: centralized control at 0, democratic stakeholder control at 10.	2 / 10	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s linked public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected communities. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s linked public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected communities. On Governance, Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR) belongs low because the practical power relation is recruitment, canvassing, electoral work, or professional advocacy controlled by the organization rather than by the people whose labor, money, or public voice it uses. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned cooperative. [1] Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected communities. [2] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy capacity. [3] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available. [4] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption. [5] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward organized public action. [6] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing. [7] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a physical consumer product. [8] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both. [9]
Extraction ? Surplus allocation, wage share, CEO pay ratio, margins, and structured extraction judgment.	2 / 10	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy capacity. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy capacity. On Extraction, Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR) belongs low because the practical power relation is recruitment, canvassing, electoral work, or professional advocacy controlled by the organization rather than by the people whose labor, money, or public voice it uses. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned cooperative. [1] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected communities. [2] Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy capacity. [3] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available. [4] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption. [5] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward organized public action. [6] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing. [7] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a physical consumer product. [8] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both. [9]
Labor Sovereignty ? Worker power: coercive conditions at 0, co-determination or ownership at 7. Employee dissatisfaction matters only when source-backed evidence shows concrete limits on worker agency, such as coercive scheduling, retaliation, wage theft, harassment, unsafe conditions, suppression of worker voice, or extreme turnover.	1 / 7	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available. On Labor Sovereignty, Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR) belongs low because the practical power relation is recruitment, canvassing, electoral work, or professional advocacy controlled by the organization rather than by the people whose labor, money, or public voice it uses. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned cooperative. [1] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected communities. [2] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy capacity. [3] Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available. [4] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption. [5] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward organized public action. [6] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing. [7] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a physical consumer product. [8] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both. [9]
Solidarity with the Unemployed ? Treatment of exits and nonworkers, including severance, redeployment, and non-competes.	2 / 7	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption. On Solidarity with the Unemployed, Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR) belongs low because the practical power relation is recruitment, canvassing, electoral work, or professional advocacy controlled by the organization rather than by the people whose labor, money, or public voice it uses. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned cooperative. [1] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected communities. [2] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy capacity. [3] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available. [4] Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption. [5] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward organized public action. [6] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing. [7] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a physical consumer product. [8] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both. [9]
Loss-Bearing Fidelity ? Willingness to absorb costs to preserve values, workers, users, and public obligations.	2 / 7	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward organized public action. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward organized public action. On Loss-Bearing Fidelity, Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR) belongs low because the practical power relation is recruitment, canvassing, electoral work, or professional advocacy controlled by the organization rather than by the people whose labor, money, or public voice it uses. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned cooperative. [1] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected communities. [2] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy capacity. [3] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available. [4] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption. [5] Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward organized public action. [6] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing. [7] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a physical consumer product. [8] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both. [9]
Market Conduct ? Pricing fairness, switching costs, lock-in, and rent extraction.	2 / 5	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing. On Market Conduct, Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR) belongs low because the practical power relation is recruitment, canvassing, electoral work, or professional advocacy controlled by the organization rather than by the people whose labor, money, or public voice it uses. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned cooperative. [1] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected communities. [2] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy capacity. [3] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available. [4] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption. [5] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward organized public action. [6] Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing. [7] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a physical consumer product. [8] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both. [9]
Product Integrity ? Preservation of quality rather than degradation for monetization.	2 / 5	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a physical consumer product. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a physical consumer product. On Product Integrity, Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR) belongs low because the practical power relation is recruitment, canvassing, electoral work, or professional advocacy controlled by the organization rather than by the people whose labor, money, or public voice it uses. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned cooperative. [1] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected communities. [2] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy capacity. [3] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available. [4] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption. [5] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward organized public action. [6] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing. [7] Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a physical consumer product. [8] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both. [9]
Scale Integrity ? Whether growth improves or degrades fairness and accountability.	4 / 5	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both. On Scale Integrity, Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR) sits in the middle: the mission can be genuinely useful, but control still runs through professional nonprofit, network, or campaign leadership. That places it above pure fundraising machinery and below organizations where workers, members, or affected communities govern the institution. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned cooperative. [1] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected communities. [2] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy capacity. [3] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available. [4] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption. [5] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward organized public action. [6] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing. [7] context Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a physical consumer product. [8] Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both. [9]

Penalties

Penalty	Applied	Why this penalty
Human Harm ? Severity, scale, culpability, vulnerable targets, willful reoffense, reputation laundering, pattern escalation, and time decay. Range: -20 to 0.	-1	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s labor record includes public allegations or concerns around discharge, retaliation, or high-pressure advocacy work that can harm economically vulnerable staff. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s labor record includes public allegations or concerns around discharge, retaliation, or high-pressure advocacy work that can harm economically vulnerable staff. This creates a Human Harm penalty because labor-rights allegations in a mission-driven workplace are especially serious: the organization asks workers to accept hardship for public values while still controlling their livelihood. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s labor record includes public allegations or concerns around discharge, retaliation, or high-pressure advocacy work that can harm economically vulnerable staff. [10]
Policy Capture ? Private-interest attempts to bend law, regulation, subsidies, taxes, enforcement, trade, labor, safety, competition, environmental, healthcare, housing, surveillance, civil-liberties, or consumer policy against workers, customers, citizens, affected communities, or ecological life. Public-interest advocacy is not penalized merely because it is lobbying. Range: -15 to 0.	-3	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s own materials describe policy advocacy, lobbying, candidate support, public-pressure campaigns, or citizen mobilization aimed at changing public rules. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s own materials describe policy advocacy, lobbying, candidate support, public-pressure campaigns, or citizen mobilization aimed at changing public rules. This creates a Policy Capture penalty because even public-interest lobbying is an attempt by a private institution to bend public rules. The penalty is heaviest for electoral and campaign machinery, lighter where the work mainly checks stronger private power. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s own materials describe policy advocacy, lobbying, candidate support, public-pressure campaigns, or citizen mobilization aimed at changing public rules. [11]
Youth Capture ? Manipulative youth-directed marketing, youth-data or attention monetization, collectible/add-on traps, parasocial or identity capture, surprise mechanics, or treating young people as lower-disclosure consumers. Making useful toys or welcoming children is not itself penalized. Range: -5 to 0.	-3	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s model recruits, trains, bills, or mobilizes students and young organizers, making youth-culture and early-career capture a direct axis-specific concern. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s model recruits, trains, bills, or mobilizes students and young organizers, making youth-culture and early-career capture a direct axis-specific concern. This creates a Youth Capture penalty because students and early-career idealists are unusually vulnerable to moral pressure, resume pressure, and blurred lines between learning, volunteering, donating, and labor. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s model recruits, trains, bills, or mobilizes students and young organizers, making youth-culture and early-career capture a direct axis-specific concern. [12]
Subscription Capture ? Manipulative recurring-payment, automatic-renewal, cancellation-friction, bundling, trial-conversion, or refund designs that profit from inertia or confusion. Range: -5 to 0.	-2	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s model includes recurring donations, student-fee pledges, membership fundraising, or contact acquisition that can outlast the initial moment of consent. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s model includes recurring donations, student-fee pledges, membership fundraising, or contact acquisition that can outlast the initial moment of consent. This creates a Subscription Capture penalty because recurring donations, waivable fees, and pledge systems can persist beyond fresh deliberation. The value is calibrated below abusive commercial subscription traps but above ordinary one-time donation requests. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s model includes recurring donations, student-fee pledges, membership fundraising, or contact acquisition that can outlast the initial moment of consent. [13]
Accountability Opacity ? Material opacity, reputation laundering, or hidden accountability structures that prevent public accountability. Range: -2 to 0.	-2	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public materials do not give a complete plain-language map of governance control, related entities, fund flows, staff power, and constituent consent. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public materials do not give a complete plain-language map of governance control, related entities, fund flows, staff power, and constituent consent. [14]
Identity Capture ? Customer pressure, employee pressure, and pervasive identity saturation. Range: -3 to 0.	-3	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission framing can bind staff, students, donors, and volunteers to a moralized activist identity as well as to specific practical public goals. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission framing can bind staff, students, donors, and volunteers to a moralized activist identity as well as to specific practical public goals. This creates a Identity Capture penalty because the organization sells a moral role as much as a concrete action, making dissent and exit harder for staff, students, donors, and volunteers who share the broad stated values. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission framing can bind staff, students, donors, and volunteers to a moralized activist identity as well as to specific practical public goals. [15]
Ideological Disavowal ? Concealed ideology presented as neutrality, expertise, professional necessity, public-service administration, market inevitability, or non-ideological common sense while exercising power. Range: -3 to 0.	-2	Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public language often presents a contested political program as public interest, fairness, science, democracy, or nonpartisan necessity rather than as an explicit ideological standpoint. Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public language often presents a contested political program as public interest, fairness, science, democracy, or nonpartisan necessity rather than as an explicit ideological standpoint. This creates a Ideological Disavowal penalty because the problem is not having progressive politics; the problem is presenting contested ideology as neutral public interest or simple decency while exercising institutional power. Calibration notes Comparative anchor: Public Interest Network and adjacent liberal activist infrastructure calibrated across network parent, canvassing arm, policy advocacy, research, student, recruiting, community-support, and electoral organizations. Linked evidence Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public language often presents a contested political program as public interest, fairness, science, democracy, or nonpartisan necessity rather than as an explicit ideological standpoint. [16]

Bonus Credits

No bonus credits applied in this version.

Confidence Basis

Confidence is computed from the evidence trail and review state, not typed into the profile by hand.

High 82/100

16 verified linked claims 16 direct axis claims 0 disputed claims 16/16 components covered

This confidence label measures the source-backed evidence trail. AI-scaffolded scores remain tentative until human review.

Claim confidence 16/20

16 verified linked claims

Source quality 13/18

Best source per verified claim, weighted by institutional reliability

Direct axis-specific claims 14/18

16 direct claims across 16 active components

Dispute load 12/12

0 disputed claims on this entity

Recency 10/10

Newest accepted timestamp: May 13, 2026

Reviewer status 7/12

Human-reviewed components score higher than AI scaffolding

Component coverage 10/10

16/16 evidence-bearing components have direct support

Evidence State

Profile stateAI draft / human-pending

VerificationUnverified

ConfidenceHigh confidence (AI)

ThoroughnessDeveloped (AI)

Correction routeUse “Challenge this rating” for factual errors, missing counterevidence, source problems, or calculation mistakes.

Company responseCompany representatives can submit source-backed corrections; payment never changes scores or reviewer authority.

Claims and Sources

Claims are the evidence record. Each claim needs a source link, axis category, status, confidence level, and timestamp before it can support a score.

* Tentative scaffolding score. Not human-checked or final.

1Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public record identifies it as a nonprofit, advocacy network, recruiting organization, student group, research center, or electoral advocacy organization rather than a worker-owned or user-owned cooperative.

Ownership Verified High confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

Fund for the Public Interest aboutOfficial self-description · 68%

2Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public materials do not show binding democratic control by ordinary workers, donors, canvassers, students, constituents, or affected communities.

Governance Verified Medium confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

Fund for the Public Interest aboutOfficial self-description · 68%

3Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s operating model converts donations, dues, student fees, volunteer labor, campaign work, public attention, or research into advocacy capacity.

Extraction Verified High confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

Fund for the Public Interest aboutOfficial self-description · 68%

4Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s worker-power record is evaluated against public descriptions of staff roles, recruiting pipelines, canvassing work, union activity, or NLRB/labor records where available.

Labor Sovereignty Verified Medium confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

NLRB case 19-CA-094311Primary public record · 100%

5Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission or services address public goods such as consumer protection, environmental health, democracy, education affordability, or pollution cleanup rather than ordinary private consumption.

Solidarity Unemployed Verified High confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

Fund for the Public Interest aboutOfficial self-description · 68%

6Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s advocacy, research, organizing, or community-support work can shift some problem-solving costs away from isolated individuals and toward organized public action.

Loss Bearing Fidelity Verified High confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

Fund for the Public Interest aboutOfficial self-description · 68%

7Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s conduct is evaluated as advocacy-market conduct: recruitment, canvassing, donor acquisition, student-fee funding, policy pressure, research publication, and public campaign framing.

Market Conduct Verified High confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

The Public Interest Network aboutOfficial self-description · 68%

8Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s core output is advocacy, research, organizing, recruiting, electoral support, or community training rather than a physical consumer product.

Product Integrity Verified High confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

Fund for the Public Interest aboutOfficial self-description · 68%

9Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s scale and network position determine whether its campaigns create broad public benefit, concentrated institutional control, or both.

Scale Integrity Verified High confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

The Public Interest Network aboutOfficial self-description · 68%

10Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s labor record includes public allegations or concerns around discharge, retaliation, or high-pressure advocacy work that can harm economically vulnerable staff.

Human Harm Verified Medium confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

NLRB case 19-CA-094311Primary public record · 100%

11Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s own materials describe policy advocacy, lobbying, candidate support, public-pressure campaigns, or citizen mobilization aimed at changing public rules.

Policy Capture Verified Medium confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

Fund for the Public Interest aboutOfficial self-description · 68%

12Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s model recruits, trains, bills, or mobilizes students and young organizers, making youth-culture and early-career capture a direct axis-specific concern.

Youth Capture Verified Medium confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

Fund for the Public Interest aboutOfficial self-description · 68%

13Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s model includes recurring donations, student-fee pledges, membership fundraising, or contact acquisition that can outlast the initial moment of consent.

Subscription Capture Verified Medium confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

Fund for the Public Interest aboutOfficial self-description · 68%

14Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public materials do not give a complete plain-language map of governance control, related entities, fund flows, staff power, and constituent consent.

Accountability Opacity Verified Medium confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

The Public Interest Network aboutOfficial self-description · 68%

15Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s mission framing can bind staff, students, donors, and volunteers to a moralized activist identity as well as to specific practical public goals.

Identity Capture Verified Medium confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

Fund for the Public Interest aboutOfficial self-description · 68%

16Fund for the Public Interest (FFPIR)'s public language often presents a contested political program as public interest, fairness, science, democracy, or nonpartisan necessity rather than as an explicit ideological standpoint.

Ideological Disavowal Verified Medium confidence Human-reviewed May 12, 2026

Fund for the Public Interest aboutOfficial self-description · 68%

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